书名：伟大的中国经济转型
副标题：
作者：[美] 劳伦·勃兰特
出版社：格致出版社，上海人民出版社
ISBN：9787543216723
出版时间：2009
页数：754
定价：86.00
内容简介： 中国的改革如同巨龙腾飞，并开始在世界经济中发挥至关重要的作用。为了全面讨论分析中国经济增长的过去、现在与未来，劳伦•勃兰特和托马斯•罗斯基历时8年，组织几十位北美著名的中国经济专家和学者，编撰了一部“工具书”式的手册，内容涉及政治体制、劳动力流动、人口政策、环境和资源保护、教育和科技发展、产业政策，财政分配制度改革、国有企业结构调整、全球化、法制建设、收入差距、地区差异等等，几无遗漏。既有从历史学、发展经济学、政治经济学等角度对中国经济改革的理论阐述；也有从各个经济专题角度详释的中国经济改革的历程；更有从部门结构、收入差距和地区差异角度论述的中国经济改革中的结构性问题；还有对未来（2025年）中国经济增长的展望，可谓是一本关于中国经济大转型的“百科全书”。 劳伦•勃兰特，加拿大多伦多大学经济系经济学教授，曾在《政治经济学杂志》等一流国际经济学期刊上发表大量关于中国经济的文章，对中国经济的各个方面都多有涉猎。 托马斯•罗斯基，美国匹兹堡大学经济系经济学和经济史教授，曾在《美国经济评论》和《政治经济学杂志》等杂志上发表大量许多关于中国经济史和中国工业经济的论文，同时也是《中国经济增长与就业》（1979）和《战前中国经济增长》（1989）等书的作者。 3 中国的转型表现——一个与其他转型经济比较的角度 4 中国转型过程的政治经济学分析 5 中国经济转型过程中的人口因素 6 改革中的中国劳动力市场 · · · · · · 3 中国的转型表现——一个与其他转型经济比较的角度 4 中国转型过程的政治经济学分析 5 中国经济转型过程中的人口因素 6 改革中的中国劳动力市场 7 改革时期的教育 8 环境资源与经济增长 9 中国的科学与技术 10 中国民营经济发展的政治经济学 11 法律在中国经济发展中的作用 12 中国的财政体系：进行中的工作 13 中国农业的发展——历史的教训、近年的成就、未来的挑战 14 中国的金融体系：过去、现在和未来 15 中国的工业发展 16 拥抱全球化 17 中国的经济增长与结构转型 18 中国经济转型中的收入不平等 19 中国经济发展的空间因素 20 预测2025年之前中国经济增长 · · · · · · 【注】这并非一本书籍的评论，而是对2009年的经济类书籍的一个回顾性小结。 倒： 你的评论中有被禁止的内容 。豆瓣搞什么飞机啊。 请劳驾访问 ： http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_49275b420100gd7y.html 中国盒子：2009年下半年经济书籍回顾 李华芳 陈冠中的《盛世：中国201... 硬着头皮看了两章，也许英文原书内容还不错，只是中文翻译实在是太烂了，前面居然有人说翻译得好，简直无语。一句话经常要读好多遍，在大脑里置换词语重组才能大致理解，有的句子完全不知所云。基本上就是找几个学生翻译完凑本书出来。好吧，只能怪自己英文不好。 十六、拥抱全球化 涉及了在入世之前，中国的对外开放的情况。根据数据来看，其实在开放之前，中国在农业和制造业对外贸易上都已经有了一定程度的开放。当然，也各自存在着一些问题，例如在农业方面，可能还在补贴、农产品质量检查方面设置了一些非关税壁垒，在制造业方面可能还... 2015年5月6日到7日，中国上海社会科学院和美国卡特中心中国项目将联合承办首届世界中国学论坛海外论坛。议题包括：中美关系、中国政治改革、中国经济改革、中国社会治理和中国文化传播等五大议题。届时，该书作者会到现场参加签售活动，并会解答读者的问题。 肇始于2007年下半年的全球金融危机，在一年之后突然发威，将主要工业化国家拖入衰退的深渊，并直接考验新兴市场经济应对危机的能力。对中国而言，这场考验才刚刚开始，2009年或许是判断中国经济耐冲击能力的关键时期。 在新年里，中国将在结构调整上面临或进或退的选择。... 作者: 南方周末记者 韦黎兵 发自上海 2009-10-28 22:26:42 来源:南方周末 【南方周末】本文网址：http://www.infzm.com/content/36617 ■中国反危机的措施提高了国有经济的比重，这不是一个好现象。 ■美国通过了对中国的轮胎特保案，这是一种倒退。未来10年、15年，中国也... 中国盒子里到底有什么秘密，或者说中国做对了什么，使得中国获得了令人瞩目的持续高速增长。向历史深处寻觅，或许能管窥答案的一斑。 实际上，正如罗德里克所指出的，在不具备被普遍认为是经济发展必需条件的制度环境下，中国找到了关键因素并且改变之，仍然推动和促进了... 2010-1-25 10:11:40 财新网 汪丁丁 阅读687次 新经典阅读： 1.劳伦.勃兰特 托马斯.罗斯基 编《伟大的中国经济转型》，方颖 赵扬 等译，上海人民出版社2009年10月第1版第1次印刷。 丁丁评语：好书，难得！足足一个月时间，这部厚重的书陪着我，从咖啡馆到餐馆... 我不得不遗憾的说一声，虽然是很好的书，中文版本出版的时候还是对英文原版做了太多的删节，比如我只是粗略对照英文版PDF看了看第一章的部分内容，就在里面发现了N多让人愤怒的删节。 这怨不得译者，怨不得出版社。 虽然可以找到一些中文版本的PDF和英文版本的PDF，出于对译者和出版社的尊重，我还是会去买正版书的。 这本书再次让我体会到：学好英文方知中国事。 2012-08-30 14:31  1人喜欢 我不得不遗憾的说一声，虽然是很好的书，中文版本出版的时候还是对英文原版做了太多的删节，比如我只是粗略对照英文版PDF看了看第一章的部分内容，就在里面发现了N多让人愤怒的删节。这怨不得译者，怨不得出版社。虽然可以找到一些中文版本的PDF和英文版本的PDF，出于对译者和出版社的尊重，我还是会去买正版书的。这本书再次让我体会到：学好英文方知中国事。 1989年的政治风波后，中央领导层出现更换，最高经济决策层的口号和注意力有了明显的变化。但是总的权力结构仍然是分割的，而且总的政策方向出人意料地保持着稳定。 The 1989 political 【crisis around the June 4 Tiananmen Square events profoundly shocked the regime and the world. In their wake, Zhao Ziyang and some of his top advisers were purged, the economic】 leadership was replaced, and the slogans and ... 2018-08-29 11:31 1989年的政治风波后，中央领导层出现更换，最高经济决策层的口号和注意力有了明显的变化。但是总的权力结构仍然是分割的，而且总的政策方向出人意料地保持着稳定。The 1989 political 【crisis around the June 4 Tiananmen Square events profoundly shocked the regime and the world. In their wake, Zhao Ziyang and some of his top advisers were purged, the economic】 leadership was replaced, and the slogans and intentions of top economic policymakers 【swung nearly 180 degrees.】 But the overall structure of power continued to be fragmented and the main directions of policy surprisingly stable. 经济政策制定者，精心出台的政策不仅和他们自己的政治诉求相一致，而且同压倒性的确保政权存续的要求相一致。Shirk（1993）描述了当年的一位领导人是如何将政治策略运用到省一级，利用政策将承包收益向地方政府的利益倾斜，他希望这样能够获得更多的党内支持。 Economic policymakers, especially Premier Zhao Ziyang, crafted policies that were consistent with both their own political strategies and the overriding po... 2018-07-14 11:30 经济政策制定者，精心出台的政策不仅和他们自己的政治诉求相一致，而且同压倒性的确保政权存续的要求相一致。Shirk（1993）描述了当年的一位领导人是如何将政治策略运用到省一级，利用政策将承包收益向地方政府的利益倾斜，他希望这样能够获得更多的党内支持。Economic policymakers, especially Premier Zhao Ziyang, crafted policies that were consistent with both their own political strategies and the overriding political imperative of regime survival. Shirk (1993) described how Zhao Ziyang adopted the strategy of “playing to the provinces,” using policy to distribute particularistic benefits to local government interests, which he expected would increase his support in the CP “selectorate.” 这一章的标题叫“中国转型过程的政治经济学分析”，政治经济学分析，政治经济学……呵呵，中国转型过程中的政治在中国是谈不得的！ P88 即便如此，许多文件上的措施在执行阶段仍然无法贯彻，比如企业财务改革中的“利改税”。这些无法贯彻的政策后来又催生了一项协调性的改革方案，而这一方案后来也失败了。事实上，甚至在1989年的政治风波之后，政策稳定性和缺乏果断性依然维持了下来。 【Characteristically, this policy tur... 2018-07-10 10:52 这一章的标题叫“中国转型过程的政治经济学分析”，政治经济学分析，政治经济学……呵呵，中国转型过程中的政治在中国是谈不得的！P88即便如此，许多文件上的措施在执行阶段仍然无法贯彻，比如企业财务改革中的“利改税”。这些无法贯彻的政策后来又催生了一项协调性的改革方案，而这一方案后来也失败了。事实上，甚至在1989年的政治风波之后，政策稳定性和缺乏果断性依然维持了下来。【Characteristically, this policy turning point came when Zhao Ziyang carefully crafted and circulated a letter that elicited the acquiescence of the key elders to a few selected measures of enterprise reform. Only then was an official reform document promulgated, and later an important Party Congress was convened at the end of 1985.】 Even in this case, many of the measures formally adopted, such as the ligaishui enterprise finance reform, failed in the implementation stage. Indeed, these implementation failures led to subsequent efforts to design a coordinated reform package that also failed: 【in 1986, after months of study and preparation, Zhao Ziyang listened to the reports of his economic advisers and then abandoned the package, reportedly declaring, “But who will support this program?”】 Indeed, policy stability and lack of decisiveness even survived the traumatic political breakdown around 【the June 4,】 1989, 【Tiananmen incident】. 【After June 4, 1989, the reformist Zhao Ziyang lost power to a group of conservative hard-liners. The conservatives declared their intention to roll back key features of reform, including the business freedom enjoyed by TVEs, but their attempted restoration of planning never went anywhere.】比如，在1984年的外贸改革中，进出口公司在进口的时候被要求采取“代理制”，即在国际市场上加上一个比例转手卖给国内市场。1985年中国人民银行决定废除外汇券并发布了所有必要的文件。For example, in the 1984 foreign trade reform, import–export companies were instructed to adopt the “agency system” for imports, selling them in the domestic market for the international price plus a markup. 【However, the minister of foreign trade at that time, Zheng Tuobin, was a client and protégé of top leader, Chen Yun. Zheng simply did not implement the agency system, perhaps because it would have eroded monopoly profits of the trading companies under his purview. There was no way he could be disciplined, given his top-level patronage. Nor was it always conservatives who blocked reforms:】 in 1985, the People’s Bank of China decided to phase out the system of foreign exchange certificates 【(a higher-value domestic currency acquired by foreigners when they converted foreign exchange)】 and issued all the necessary documents. P89正如Zhou（1993）所提到，如果一波放权的浪潮导致宏观经济过热，就会减慢经济改革的步伐；相反，如果出于稳定的要求威胁到改革的生死存亡，那么改革的步伐又会重启。As Zhou (1993) notes, if a burst of decentralization destabilized the macroeconomy, 【conservatives would gain power to】 slow down the pace of change; conversely, if 【conservatives】 threatened to stifle reforms in their quest for stability, 【reformers would gain power.】 格致出版社的编辑到底亏心到什么程度，此一节除了Famine of 1959-1961和CR是常见敏感词以外，被删节的内容仍然超乎我的想象力。东北日资不能提，国共内战不能提，社会主义阵营的援助不能提，三线建设不能提，东亚四小龙不能提，粮食统购统销不能提…… 战前经济扩展集中在两个发展极点：一个是以上海为中心的长江三角洲地区，新型的国内外私营企业也推动了地方的发展；另一个是东北三省，在这里，国外的资金、科技和专业.. 2017-02-05 00:53 格致出版社的编辑到底亏心到什么程度，此一节除了Famine of 1959-1961和CR是常见敏感词以外，被删节的内容仍然超乎我的想象力。东北日资不能提，国共内战不能提，社会主义阵营的援助不能提，三线建设不能提，东亚四小龙不能提，粮食统购统销不能提……P4战前经济扩展集中在两个发展极点：一个是以上海为中心的长江三角洲地区，新型的国内外私营企业也推动了地方的发展；另一个是东北三省，在这里，国外的资金、科技和专业知识直接通过官方融入中国经济，为经济发展注入活力，预示着20世纪50年代计划经济的发展。 Prewar expansion clustered around two growth poles: the Yangzi Delta area centered on Shanghai, where thriving domestic and foreign private business propelled regional growth; and the northeastern provinces, where infusions of officially directed 【Japanese】 capital, technology, and expertise energized an expansion that prefigured the planned economy of the 1950s.1949年新中国成立以来，中国经济由于遭到战争和通货膨胀的重创，发展潜力微乎其微。 【Following disruptions arising from an eight-year battle against Japanese invaders, followed by several years of civil strife between Communist and Kuomintang forces,】 the People’s Republic of China, established in October 1949, inherited an economy whose growth potential was obscured by the ravages of war and inflation. 之后，中国引进了如卡车制造、发电厂和通信设备的生产，以及其他新产业。此外，1959—1961年中国出现“三年自然灾害”，经济低迷，这就迫切需要重组经济，为此而付出的努力就体现出了新老中国企业的新技术能力。 【Large-scale technical aid from the socialist bloc helped】 China to introduce new industries, for example, the manufacture of trucks and equipment for power plants and telecommunications, and to upgrade others. In addition, urgent restructuring efforts necessitated by the downturn following the 1959–1961 【famine and simultaneous withdrawal of East Bloc technical aid】 revealed new technological capabilities on the part of both old and new Chinese firms. P5与这些巨大成就同时发生的是一些失误，最明显的失误体现在食物供给上。到1961年，粮食供给不足的现象仍未结束：直到改革之初，农村人均营养水平一直低于基本营养标准。 These important achievements coincided with 【significant failures】, most obviously in the area of food supply. 【The man-made famine of 1959–1961 killed 30–40 million Chinese.】 Food scarcity did not end in 1961: average rural diets continued to fall short of basic nutrition standards until the start of reform. 【As a result, food supplies for millions of Chinese villagers were no better in the 1970s than in the 1930s.】服务业的落后使这一状况更加恶化。到计划经济结束时，由于受教育不同而形成的工资差异基本不存在。一项研究表明，服务业的平均收入水平超出了高等知识分子的收入。 Underdevelopment of services exacerbated these weaknesses. 【Neglect of services follows Marxist theory, which omits most tertiary activities from the national accounts. China’s intermittent campaigns targeting intellectuals, including a decade-long closure of universities and many other schools during the Cultural Revolution, intensified the relative decline of services.】 By the end of the plan period, education-linked wage differentials had largely vanished: one study noted that average pay levels in the catering sector exceeded wages in higher education.P6虽然中国政府重视物质进步，但在计划经济时期，对国家安全和意识形态的考虑经常超过对经济的考虑，这无疑对产量和生产率有消极的影响。 Although China’s leaders valued material progress, considerations of national defense and ideology frequently trumped economics during the plan era, with predictably negative effects on output and productivity. 【Security considerations, for example, dictated the movement of factories from coastal cities to interior regions during the 1950s. Fear of external attack also inspired the “Third Front” policy of the 1960s, which poured massive investments into remote regions. In similar fashion, the pursuit of ideological objectives imposed economic costs, as when schools were closed and urban youths were forced to migrate to rural villages or when small-scale commerce was curtailed to protect citizens from the supposed evils of capitalism’s “silver bullets.”】70年代末，计划经济没有解决长期的粮食供给问题。20世纪70年代的前半段，粮食配给不足的家庭数量不断上升，粮食储存和跨省粮食运输减少，所有这些都针对濒临粮食严重危机的边缘的体制，并且没有持续改善的迹象。 【Everyone recognized the death of Mao Zedong in 1976 as a major turning point for the People’s Republic. There was wide agreement among China’s political elite about the need for economic change, without, as Naughton (see Chapter 4) observes, any clear sense of reform direction. Two economic issues stood behind this consensus. Although China’s economy had performed well compared to low income nations worldwide, China’s standing within East Asia was weak. Japan and (South) Korea, societies that many Chinese regard with disdain, had raced far ahead, as had Taiwan and Hong Kong, small entities crowded with refugees from the People’s Republic and, in Taiwan’s case, led by Chiang Kai-shek’s reviled Kuomintang. China’s obvious backwardness in its dynamic East Asian neighborhood galled Beijing’s elites.More specifically, the winding down of the Cultural Revolution disruptions failed to resolve chronic food supply problems.】 During the first half of the 1970s, rising numbers of grain-deficit households, reductions in grain stocks and in cross-provincial shipments, 【numerous reports of local shortages, and demands that the state return grain procurements to avoid “repeating the error of 1959” – an obvious reference to the Great Leap Forward famine】 – all point to a system near the brink of a serious food crisis, with no indication of sustained progress. 中国的传统治理有其特别之处，比如，各级官员必须学习和讨论上层领导的发言和文章，这些发言和文章安排国家政策的预期走向，向低一层的官员解释应该做什么，不应该做什么。 Chinese tradition 【emphasizes government of men (and, beginning in the late twentieth century, some women) rather than laws. There is no Chinese counterpart to the U.S. Federal Register, with its endless minute prescriptions. In the abse... 2017-02-08 22:48 中国的传统治理有其特别之处，比如，各级官员必须学习和讨论上层领导的发言和文章，这些发言和文章安排国家政策的预期走向，向低一层的官员解释应该做什么，不应该做什么。 Chinese tradition 【emphasizes government of men (and, beginning in the late twentieth century, some women) rather than laws. There is no Chinese counterpart to the U.S. Federal Register, with its endless minute prescriptions. In the absence of detailed instructions, how do China’s top leaders direct the behavior of lowerlevel governments and individual officials?】 Functionaries at all levels must study and discuss the speeches and writings of top leaders, which lay out the desired course of public policy and explain what lower levels of officialdom should and should not do. 从20世纪70年代末的改革开始，这些指令逐渐强调经济问题。因此，制定和实现重要经济目标，已成为中国政府的核心任务。1992年邓小平考察南方期间，对改革大加赞赏，这被普遍认为是政策革新的良好先兆。同时，强调对“小型和中型企业”或“企业重组”的赞许会被理解为中央鼓励那些有利于民营经济或加快国有企业改制的政策。 From the start of China’s reform in the late 1970s, these directives increasingly emphasized economic matters. 【Indeed, China’s political economy has come to rest on a grand but unspoken bargain between the Communist Party and the Chinese public, in which the party ensures economic growth and promotes China’s global standing in return for public acquiescence to its autocratic rule and anachronistic ideology.】 As a result, the articulation and fulfillment of key economic objectives now constitute core 【ingredients in extending the political legitimacy of the Chinese state. All Chinese officials and citizens learn about these publications, speeches, and slogans, which are not confined to internal government documents or the national press but reverberate at every level of society, where they become benchmarks against which the public can measure the propriety of current or proposed actions. Every Chinese knows Deng Xiaoping’s maxim “let some people get rich first.”】 Deng’s praise of reform during his southern tour of 1992 was widely seen as a favorable signal for policy innovations, 【including many that received no specific mention from Mr. Deng.】 In similar fashion, emphasis on 【(or omission of)】 praise for “small and medium enterprises” or “enterprise restructuring” will be interpreted as high-level encouragement of 【(or caution against)】 policies favoring private business or accelerated privatization of state enterprises . 我们看到中国政府尝试新的做法，如“经济特区”，同时各省和地方以自己的方式发展家庭联产承包责任制、城镇化和农村工业、减除冗员等等。 We see the national government conducting trials of novel institutions, for example, “special economic zones,” while provinces and localities develop their own variations of the household responsibility system, township and ... 2017-02-09 03:21 本节的Decentralize可能翻译成“放权”更好我们看到中国政府尝试新的做法，如“经济特区”，同时各省和地方以自己的方式发展家庭联产承包责任制、城镇化和农村工业、减除冗员等等。 We see the national government conducting trials of novel institutions, for example, “special economic zones,” while provinces and localities develop their own variations of the household responsibility system, township and village industries, 【the xiagang system of】 removing redundant workers 【from the state enterprise payrolls,】 and so on. National government应当翻译成“国家政府”或“中央政府”，以跟后半句的省级与地方政府区分。Township and village industries专指中国的“乡镇工业”。“下岗”两个字都不敢提啊呵呵 改革开始前，中国形成了一种政策企业家精神的传统，地方政府相互竞争用数字来争取高层的关注。改革后，随着GDP的增长，出口、外资的流入和其他经济尺度成为衡量成功的标准，因此竞争加剧了。Li和Zhou发现各省领导获得提升的前景良好，随着省里经济表现的不断改善，其政治生涯结束的可能性在减小。Writing对地方官员的观察也有类似的发现。 Prior to the inception of reform, China developed a tradition of policy entrepreneur... 2017-02-09 04:01 改革开始前，中国形成了一种政策企业家精神的传统，地方政府相互竞争用数字来争取高层的关注。改革后，随着GDP的增长，出口、外资的流入和其他经济尺度成为衡量成功的标准，因此竞争加剧了。Li和Zhou发现各省领导获得提升的前景良好，随着省里经济表现的不断改善，其政治生涯结束的可能性在减小。Writing对地方官员的观察也有类似的发现。 Prior to the inception of reform, China developed a tradition of policy entrepreneurship in which local figures compete for high-level attention 【by demonstrating the beneficial implementation of the principles enshrined in broad central directives.】 This competition intensified under the reform, with GDP growth, exports, inflow of foreign investment, and other economic criteria 【replacing ideological benchmarks】 as the arbiters of success. Thus Li and Zhou find that promotion prospects for provincial leaders rise, and the likelihood of termination declines as provincial economic performance improves. Whiting makes similar observations about local officials. 第一句话译者肯定是把figures当成“数字”了。然后漏了一大段。可能更正确的翻译是：改革开始前，中国形成了一种政策竞争的传统，地方大员通过贯彻中央概括性的方针所高举的原则，达成有利的成果，以争取高层的关注。第二句话正确的翻译是：改革后，GDP增长、出口、外资流入和其他经济尺度代替意识形态标准成为成功的标志，因此竞争加剧了。第三句话正确的翻译是：李宏彬和周黎安发现，一省经济绩效的提升可以增加省领导升迁的可能性并减小其政治生涯结束的可能性。第四句话把白苏珊（Susan Whiting）的姓都拼错了，真是惨不忍睹。地方经济发展也扩大了地方财政收入和企业利润，官员们对其可以实施不同程度的控制，这就增加了寻租机会和寻租成本。 Growth also expands the pools of public revenue and enterprise profits over which officials exercise varying degrees of control, 【enlarges business opportunities available to the families and associates of local leaders, and swells the flow of (legal and illicit) rents directed toward official agencies and their managers.】 “增加寻租成本”？译者护主心切，连不懂的术语也在乱用。 1989年的政治风波后，中央领导层出现更换，最高经济决策层的口号和注意力有了明显的变化。但是总的权力结构仍然是分割的，而且总的政策方向出人意料地保持着稳定。 The 1989 political 【crisis around the June 4 Tiananmen Square events profoundly shocked the regime and the world. In their wake, Zhao Ziyang and some of his top advisers were purged, the economic】 leadership was replaced, and the slogans and ... 2018-08-29 11:31 1989年的政治风波后，中央领导层出现更换，最高经济决策层的口号和注意力有了明显的变化。但是总的权力结构仍然是分割的，而且总的政策方向出人意料地保持着稳定。The 1989 political 【crisis around the June 4 Tiananmen Square events profoundly shocked the regime and the world. In their wake, Zhao Ziyang and some of his top advisers were purged, the economic】 leadership was replaced, and the slogans and intentions of top economic policymakers 【swung nearly 180 degrees.】 But the overall structure of power continued to be fragmented and the main directions of policy surprisingly stable. 经济政策制定者，精心出台的政策不仅和他们自己的政治诉求相一致，而且同压倒性的确保政权存续的要求相一致。Shirk（1993）描述了当年的一位领导人是如何将政治策略运用到省一级，利用政策将承包收益向地方政府的利益倾斜，他希望这样能够获得更多的党内支持。 Economic policymakers, especially Premier Zhao Ziyang, crafted policies that were consistent with both their own political strategies and the overriding po... 2018-07-14 11:30 经济政策制定者，精心出台的政策不仅和他们自己的政治诉求相一致，而且同压倒性的确保政权存续的要求相一致。Shirk（1993）描述了当年的一位领导人是如何将政治策略运用到省一级，利用政策将承包收益向地方政府的利益倾斜，他希望这样能够获得更多的党内支持。Economic policymakers, especially Premier Zhao Ziyang, crafted policies that were consistent with both their own political strategies and the overriding political imperative of regime survival. Shirk (1993) described how Zhao Ziyang adopted the strategy of “playing to the provinces,” using policy to distribute particularistic benefits to local government interests, which he expected would increase his support in the CP “selectorate.” 这一章的标题叫“中国转型过程的政治经济学分析”，政治经济学分析，政治经济学……呵呵，中国转型过程中的政治在中国是谈不得的！ P88 即便如此，许多文件上的措施在执行阶段仍然无法贯彻，比如企业财务改革中的“利改税”。这些无法贯彻的政策后来又催生了一项协调性的改革方案，而这一方案后来也失败了。事实上，甚至在1989年的政治风波之后，政策稳定性和缺乏果断性依然维持了下来。 【Characteristically, this policy tur... 2018-07-10 10:52 这一章的标题叫“中国转型过程的政治经济学分析”，政治经济学分析，政治经济学……呵呵，中国转型过程中的政治在中国是谈不得的！P88即便如此，许多文件上的措施在执行阶段仍然无法贯彻，比如企业财务改革中的“利改税”。这些无法贯彻的政策后来又催生了一项协调性的改革方案，而这一方案后来也失败了。事实上，甚至在1989年的政治风波之后，政策稳定性和缺乏果断性依然维持了下来。【Characteristically, this policy turning point came when Zhao Ziyang carefully crafted and circulated a letter that elicited the acquiescence of the key elders to a few selected measures of enterprise reform. Only then was an official reform document promulgated, and later an important Party Congress was convened at the end of 1985.】 Even in this case, many of the measures formally adopted, such as the ligaishui enterprise finance reform, failed in the implementation stage. Indeed, these implementation failures led to subsequent efforts to design a coordinated reform package that also failed: 【in 1986, after months of study and preparation, Zhao Ziyang listened to the reports of his economic advisers and then abandoned the package, reportedly declaring, “But who will support this program?”】 Indeed, policy stability and lack of decisiveness even survived the traumatic political breakdown around 【the June 4,】 1989, 【Tiananmen incident】. 【After June 4, 1989, the reformist Zhao Ziyang lost power to a group of conservative hard-liners. The conservatives declared their intention to roll back key features of reform, including the business freedom enjoyed by TVEs, but their attempted restoration of planning never went anywhere.】比如，在1984年的外贸改革中，进出口公司在进口的时候被要求采取“代理制”，即在国际市场上加上一个比例转手卖给国内市场。1985年中国人民银行决定废除外汇券并发布了所有必要的文件。For example, in the 1984 foreign trade reform, import–export companies were instructed to adopt the “agency system” for imports, selling them in the domestic market for the international price plus a markup. 【However, the minister of foreign trade at that time, Zheng Tuobin, was a client and protégé of top leader, Chen Yun. Zheng simply did not implement the agency system, perhaps because it would have eroded monopoly profits of the trading companies under his purview. There was no way he could be disciplined, given his top-level patronage. Nor was it always conservatives who blocked reforms:】 in 1985, the People’s Bank of China decided to phase out the system of foreign exchange certificates 【(a higher-value domestic currency acquired by foreigners when they converted foreign exchange)】 and issued all the necessary documents. P89正如Zhou（1993）所提到，如果一波放权的浪潮导致宏观经济过热，就会减慢经济改革的步伐；相反，如果出于稳定的要求威胁到改革的生死存亡，那么改革的步伐又会重启。As Zhou (1993) notes, if a burst of decentralization destabilized the macroeconomy, 【conservatives would gain power to】 slow down the pace of change; conversely, if 【conservatives】 threatened to stifle reforms in their quest for stability, 【reformers would gain power.】 由于中国的经济增长超过其他经济体，所以腐败本身不是一个解释经济发展与成长与否的充分因素。 【For instance, according to the Transparency International (http://www.transparency.org/publications/annual report, 2005) annual report, China ranks 85, behind Poland (70), the Czech Republic (47), Lithuania (44), Hungary (40), Slovenia (31), and Lithuania (27), but above Russia (107) and Ukraine (126).】 ... 2018-07-01 11:06 由于中国的经济增长超过其他经济体，所以腐败本身不是一个解释经济发展与成长与否的充分因素。【For instance, according to the Transparency International ( report, 2005) annual report, China ranks 85, behind Poland (70), the Czech Republic (47), Lithuania (44), Hungary (40), Slovenia (31), and Lithuania (27), but above Russia (107) and Ukraine (126).】 Since China has been growing faster than any of the other economies, the record indicates that corruption alone is not an adequate explanatory factor for the presence or absence of economic development and growth.